In November, the Karenni Medical College was opened in Karenni State, marking a significant milestone as the seventh medical college established under the resistance and the second since the coup. Dr. Myo Khant Ko Ko, one of its founders, provides insights into the college’s establishment and its aspirations for the future.
Could you please introduce yourself and tell us about the college?
My name is Dr. Myo Khant Ko Ko. I am actively involved in the resistance movement in Karenni State, serving as the chief surgeon and clinical director at Luke Hospital. I also served as the president of the Karenni Doctors Association, which was formed by local doctors in the region.
While working in this role, I noticed the growing need for trained healthcare professionals. At the same time, we had begun establishing alternative education schools for young people whose right to education had been denied by the conflict. When attending their graduation ceremonies, I saw that many Karenni children were highly talented and capable. However, they had no opportunities for higher education after completing basic schooling because advanced education institutions were unavailable.
Another challenge we face is the collapse of the health system in Karenni State. The entire state is at war, and even the SAC’s health system has been completely dismantled. As a result, healthcare here is primarily managed by revolutionary groups, with doctors and medical students from other states stepping in. However, if these doctors leave once the resistance ends, we will face a significant gap in healthcare services.
Karenni State currently has only six local doctors, which is far too few to meet the needs of its population of 600,000 to 700,000 people. These two issues—the need for advanced education opportunities for young people and the critical shortage of healthcare workers—motivated us to act.
Since 2022, we’ve been working to establish a medical college. On March 7, 2023, I formed the Karenni Medical College Establishment Committee to make this vision a reality.
How did you organize the process from the beginning to recruitment?
We divided the responsibilities into six subcommittees and completed the recruitment process within a year. To be honest, we were very concerned about security since we were just starting out. Because of this, we didn’t make a big announcement online. Instead, we distributed recruitment papers directly to relevant battalions, villages, and nearby educational institutions and groups.
For the first batch, most people didn’t know about the program due to the security situation. Applicants had to fill out a form and then come in for a three-stage selection process. It began with a written exam, which 160 people took. After passing the written exam, candidates moved on to the next stages: personal statement and interview rounds. The evaluation was divided into three parts: the written exam (40%), the personal statement (20%), and the interview (40%). Applicants needed a total score of at least 60% to be accepted.
In the end, 37 people were selected—6 males and 31 females. This group is now attending what we call the Foundation Year, and we are currently working with them during this initial phase of their education.
Can you tell us more about the backgrounds of the students and the criteria you used to select them?
In the first year, due to security concerns, priority was given to those born in Karenni State or who had been residents of the state for at least three years. Applicants needed a letter of recommendation to verify this.
At this stage, we could not accept students from other states or regions due to safety concerns. However, in the future, we aim to reserve student quotas for those from other revolutionary areas. This would depend on the reliability and support of trusted revolutionary leaders from those regions. We plan to discuss and finalize this policy in upcoming meetings.
For now, the key criteria are: 1) residency in Karenni State for at least three years, and 2) age between 17 and 30.
These criteria will remain valid during the revolutionary period. Once the revolution is over, we plan to lower the age limit.
Our admission policy is inclusive, regardless of race, religion, or physical disability. We are committed to providing opportunities for everyone who meets the basic requirements and has the potential to learn and teach medicine.
Please tell us about the curriculum you are using.
Before the coup, all five medical schools in Myanmar were preparing for transition from the traditional curriculum to one aligned with WHO standards. However, after the coup, that plan was abandoned, and the updated curriculum was not implemented in those schools.
We connected with the specialist from the UK who was updating the curriculum for our Myanmar medical colleges. She helped reorganize and finalize the curriculum for us. We also collaborated with Myanmar-born experts and foreign supporters in the field, including specialists in Basic Medical Sciences and Anatomy.
The same curriculum is being used by seven revolutionary medical schools, including ours, with Kachin being one of the first adopters. We were the last to implement it, but the curriculum is consistent across all these schools. Students from any of these schools will graduate with the same degree, ensuring uniformity in their education.
Currently, the 37 students in our program are in the first semester of the Foundation Year. The Foundation Year is divided into two semesters. During the first semester, students focus on seven subjects, including Language and Basic Science.
We are committed to ensure the curriculum is comprehensive and consistently implemented to strengthen the quality of education across all revolutionary medical schools.
You mentioned seven revolutionary medical schools. Can you elaborate on that?
The seven revolutionary medical schools consist of five pre-existing medical universities and two that were established during the revolution.
The five pre-existing universities are: Medical University 1 & 2 (Yangon), Medical University (Mandalay), Medical University (Magway), Medical University (Taunggyi). These universities already existed before the coup. When power was seized, some of these institutions became part of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) while others did not. The CDM staff refused to recognize the regime-controlled institutions. As a result, the revolutionary side formed the Interim University Council to oversee these five medical schools, allowing them to continue functioning under the revolutionary framework.
During the revolution, two additional medical schools were established: Kachin Polytechnic University in Kachin, which includes both a medical school and a nursing school. This was the first medical school established during the revolution and our Karenni Medical College, which was the second medical school to emerge during this period. In total, there are now seven revolutionary medical schools operating under the resistance movement.
What kind of funding does the school currently have, and how can it attract international support?
To be honest, when we started, we didn’t have any funds. But we saw the urgent need and decided to proceed. Initially, we raised about 10 million Myanmar kyats through community support.
After establishing the medical school, the Karenni Administrative Council was formed as the Interim Executive Council (IEC). We signed an MOU with them, ensuring our autonomy within the government structure. Autonomy is a common principle for universities and hospitals in democratic countries, and it aligns with our vision for a federal democracy.
The IEC contributed 50 million kyats, and the NUG’s Ministry of Education contributed another 100 million, totaling 150 million kyats. With these funds, we started constructing the necessary buildings.
Fortunately, one of our donors pledged 100 million kyats annually. We received the first installment for the initial year and have been using it gradually. Additionally, we’ve secured smaller project-based grants, such as 30 million kyats, through partnerships. However, these funds aren’t entirely dedicated to education—they’re split among various needs.
We’ve also received individual donations from the US and the UK, including scholarships for medical students. However, the reality is that most students and their families cannot afford any expenses. Many live in refugee camps and struggle to meet their basic needs, like food.
Our school operates completely tuition-free, and we often provide financial support to students for essentials like food, clothing, and supplies.
What’s your vision for the graduates of this college? Will they continue working in the region, or pursue professions elsewhere?
To be honest, this initiative was started because we urgently need human resources here. Therefore, graduates are required to work in this state for at least three years. After that, they’re free to go wherever they choose. This three-year period allows us to build up the workforce to better serve the population. For context, in many countries, one doctor serves approximately 1,000 people. We aim to achieve that ratio here.
Once they complete their service and earn their M.B.B.S., graduates will have opportunities to pursue further education, like a Master’s Degree, hopefully in the future.
Another goal for our school is to become internationally recognized. Take Chiang Mai in Thailand as an example—international students go there to study. Similarly, we aim to grow into a comprehensive university that attracts students from other countries. With time, we plan to strengthen our foundation and reach a level where we can offer international-standard education and opportunities.
Alternative education is constantly facing dangers, and the regime is targeting hospitals and schools. How do you manage these risks while keeping the school open?
Yes, these risks were a significant concern for us, which is why we didn’t announce the school online initially. However, we realized that to continue admitting one batch after another, we couldn’t stay completely hidden. Medical education is a continuous process, and we can’t afford interruptions. Moreover, sustaining the school requires funding, and for that, people need to know we exist and understand our needs to support us.
We remain highly vigilant about security. We don’t allow visitors and take every precaution to keep our school safe. To further ensure safety, we’ve even built bomb shelters in our dormitories—perhaps making us one of the first medical colleges in the world to include bunkers as part of our infrastructure.
Are there air defense supported by the regional government to protect the college?
When it comes to air defense, everyone understands the challenges we face. This revolution is different from previous ones, but technically, we all know our air defense capabilities are very limited. We are weak in this regard and not in a position to fully protect ourselves. The interim government oversees security for the broader area, but there are no specific measures or support provided for our college.
Do you see any opportunity to open similar schools in other liberated areas, states, and regions? What message would you like to share with those who are trying to establish such schools?
One of the main goals of establishing Karenni Medical College is to support a federal system. Once we achieve federalism, each state and region will have its own universities. This is the case internationally as well. According to this vision, every state should have its own medical university. If other states and regions want to follow our example, we will fully support them. As we move towards federalism, each area will have its own universities, colleges, medical schools, nursing schools, and so on. We have valuable experience in this process, and we are happy to share it. For example, a young man from Mon State asked me how we got started, and I shared our knowledge with him. If others need technical assistance, we are ready to help.
And we encourage everybody to join us in this mission, whether through support, collaboration, or simply by spreading awareness.
